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Rising violence against local politicians

ODELL webinar news 2026

Preliminary findings of ODELL point to rising violence against local politicians across Europe 


Early results presented at the European Observatory for the Defence of Democracy at the Local Level (ODELL) webinar on 21 May 2026 indicate that violence and intimidation against local elected representatives is increasing across Europe, with attacks frequently directed at politicians’ homes and other property and a growing concern about the under‑recorded scale of online abuse. The discussion brought together policymakers, researchers and local politicians, combining emerging evidence from Bocconi University with testimony from elected representatives and institutional actors working on democratic resilience and safety in political life.  

A visible phenomenon, but only the “peak of the iceberg” 

The dataset currently being assembled for the first ODELL annual report draws on local news and national report archives to capture documented incidents such as assaults, threats and arson attacks against local politicians. Explaining the approach, Gianmarco Daniele, Executive Director of the CLEAN Unit at Bocconi University and Associate Professor at the University of Milan, warned that the numbers are robust for severe incidents but cannot systematically include online abuse: “This is the peak of the iceberg as violence includes other types of attacks, like online attacks” but those are usually underreported. 

More than 1,000 attacks — and rising 

Daniele said the data shown so far is “based on more than 1,000 violent attacks in Europe in the last six years,” stressing that this is not only a European issue but a global one. In the European sample presented, Italy records the highest number of incidents, followed by France, with Germany, Greece and Ukraine also appearing among the countries with high totals. He also described an increase over time, including a rise in 2023 that was “mostly driven by France”.  

Property attacks dominate 

The patterns presented suggest that intimidation often reaches politicians through their personal environments. “The most common type of attacks is against the private property of politicians, typically arson attacks against the house or the car,” Daniele said. “The second type is attacks against government property and assaults against politicians” comes next.  

For Filiz Ceritoğlu Sengel, Mayor of Selçuk and CEMR Spokesperson on Local Democracy, this reflects a structural vulnerability at the closest tier of governance: “Local elected representatives are the closest democratic link to citizens. They are accessible, visible and accountable, but this makes them increasingly vulnerable.”  

Women face significantly higher risks 

While gender information is often missing from incident descriptions, Daniele highlighted evidence from a separate Italian study: “Women mayors are three times more likely to be attacked than men, and this is especially true right after they are elected.”  

The effect on political participation was echoed by Flo Clucas, Member of Cheltenham Borough Council and Chair of CEMR’s Standing Committee on Equality, who linked intimidation – particularly online, to decisions about whether to continue in office: “That is where democracy begins and that is where, if we are not careful, democracy will end.” She added: “So many local politicians are no longer standing: some 56% in the UK might not stand again.”  

Election periods increase risks – depending on institutional strength 

Another trend discussed was electoral timing. Daniele explained that early analysis suggests attacks are more likely “right before and right after elections,” but the pattern depends on context: “There is a strong correlation, but this is conditional on the strength of democracy in the country.”  

Online abuse amplifies the threat 

Several speakers underlined that online harassment is widespread yet remains poorly captured by systematic reporting. Daniele noted that for online attacks, “a very small share is reported to the police.” Clucas described how everyday digital exposure can be weaponised: it gives those who want to intimidate councillors “a method with no mechanism for us to find out who they are.” She drew a line between democratic debate and harassment: “There are times when freedom of speech is not freedom of speech but intimidation… it’s threatening… it’s bullying.”  

From the Council of Europe perspective, Bryony Rudkin, Deputy‑Leader of Ipswich Borough Council and Co‑Rapporteur of the Congress of the Council of Europe’s resolution ‘Tackling violence against local and regional elected representatives’, warned that online hate speech reflects a broader climate: “People hide behind the anonymity of a keyboard and say whatever comes into their head.”  

Improving data and policy responses 

Participants stressed that solutions depend on evidence, even when it is hard to gather. Fabrizio Rossi, Secretary General of the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR), argued that the difficulty is precisely why the initiative matters: “The gathering of data is challenging. But this is why ODELL exists. We are being innovative.” He added that the goal is to “provide evidence” and “start collecting data and intelligence to shape the right solutions.”  

From the European Commission, Daniel Fleischer‑Ambrus, (Team Leader for Democracy at DG JUST in the European Commission, said: “Safety in politics is a key priority for us,” pointing to the European Democracy Shield and the European Commission’s current work on practical tools. He highlighted that guidance, checklists and toolkits should “emerge before the end of this year.”  

A direct impact on democracy 

Sharon Pia Hickey, Programme Officer, Constitutional Governance and Rule of Law, International IDEA, placed the problem within broader democratic trends, thanking ODELL for “bringing to light the scale and the severity and the typology and the nuance” of what elected officials face. She described violence against elected officials as “a key manifestation of democratic backsliding, especially at the local level.”  

Sengel also warned of the democratic consequences when intimidation pushes people out of public life: “When elected representatives are pressured into silence, discouraged from standing for office, or forced to withdraw, the functions of local democracy are weakened.”  

A collective responsibility 

Closing the event, Eider Inuntziaga, Councillor of the City of Bilbao and CEMR Spokesperson on Local Democracy, said the session had helped clarify “the scale and the patterns” behind the issue and build a shared space for solutions. She framed political safety as a condition for participation: “Local democracy only works if people feel safe to defend democracy and to raise their voices because otherwise no one will ever dare to make any opinion or any decision public.”  

Inuntziaga added that intimidation has consequences well beyond the individual: “All those issues shape the way we do our work; they take away energy from where it should be focused and affect the quality of our decisions and the quality of democracy.” She added the first annual report will present the project’s first-year results in Bilbao on 2 October 2026. 

European Observatory for the Defence of Democracy at the Local Level
Brussels, 11/12/2025 – Launch of the European Observatory for the Defence of Democracy at the Local Level – ODELL © Elio Germani 2025

About ODELL 

The Observatory is a partnership between the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR), the Municipality of Bilbao, and the Association of Basque Municipalities (EUDEL), with the scientific partnership of Bocconi University, and with the support of the Basque Government. It works to raise awareness of this growing challenge by generating reliable data and evidence, sharing best practices in good governance, promoting coordinated institutional action, and fostering collaboration among local and regional elected representatives. 

For more information, contact:

When local leaders are attacked

European Observatory for the Defence of Democracy at the Local Level

Why protecting local elected representatives is essential to safeguarding trust, stability and democratic resilience across Europe


Across Europe, local elected representatives are facing growing pressure, harassment and disinformation at a time when communities need trusted leadership more than ever. In a new article published in Burgemeester (pages 158, 159 and 160), the magazine of the Dutch Association of Mayors, dedicated to local governance, democratic resilience and public leadership. In the article, CEMR presents the work of the Observatory for the Defence of Local Democracy at the Local Level (ODELL), a European initiative created to monitor threats against local democracy, support mayors and councillors, and strengthen public trust through clearer communication, evidence-based advocacy and practical tools for municipalities.

Webinar Defending Local Democracy Together

On 21 May 2026, from 14h to 15h15, the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) and partners of the Observatory for the Defence of Local Democracy in Europe will host an online webinar exploring the growing threats faced by local and regional elected representatives across Europe.

The discussion will bring together local leaders, experts and European partners to explore the growing challenges facing democracy at the local level, from harassment and intimidation to disinformation and declining public trust, while sharing practical solutions and experiences from across Europe.

Register and learn more here: Defending Local Democracy Together webinar

For more information, please contact:

Webinar: defending local democracy together

ODELL - Democracy news

The European Observatory for the Defence of Democracy at the Local Level presents the first findings on threats against local elected representatives


On 21 May 2026, from 14h to 15h15, the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) and partners of the Observatory for the Defence of Local Democracy in Europe will host an online webinar exploring the growing threats faced by local and regional elected representatives across Europe.  

Launched in December 2025 by CEMR, the Municipality of Bilbao and the Association of Basque Municipalities (EUDEL), in partnership with Bocconi University and with the support of the Basque Government, the Observatory aims to monitor, analyse and respond to the increasing pressures affecting local democracy across Europe.  

The webinar will present the preliminary findings of the Observatory’s upcoming European report examining patterns of intimidation, harassment, violence and attacks targeting local and regional politicians. The discussion comes at a time when democratic institutions across Europe are facing growing polarisation, disinformation, and declining trust in public authorities.

Local elected representatives are often on the frontline of these challenges. As the level of government closest to citizens, municipalities and regions play a crucial role in safeguarding democratic participation, social cohesion and public trust.

“Threats to local politics affect integrity, how we speak, and can silence people. It can make elected representatives afraid — or push them to leave public life,” said Eider Inuntziaga, city councillor of Bilbao and CEMR spokesperson on local democracy.

The event will bring together local elected representatives, researchers, international organisations and European institutions to discuss how to strengthen democratic resilience at the local level and better protect those serving in public office.

Speakers include Filiz Ceritoğlu Sengel, who will open the webinar, as well as academics and experts working on democratic governance and political violence. Representatives from the European Commission and the Council of Europe Congress will also contribute to the discussion.  

The webinar will also examine threats occurring during electoral processes and explore possible policy responses to violence and intimidation targeting local elected officials.

For more information, please contact:

Europe’s Day and 75 years of CEMR

EU day 2026 - news

Europe Day: CEMR celebrates 75 years with a Europe-wide meme vote


Today we celebrate Europe’s Day alongside CEMR’s anniversary, 75 years of representing and supporting local and regional governments across Europe. 

Celebrated every year on 9 May, Europe Day commemorates the Schuman Declaration, which laid the foundations for peace, cooperation and shared values in Europe. For 75 years, CEMR has accompanied towns, cities and regions throughout Europe’s evolution, strengthening local democracy and cohesion at the heart of the European project. 

To mark this double celebration, CEMR is once again inviting citizens to take part in a playful and interactive Europe Day initiative. 

Following last year’s interactive map game highlighting EU-funded projects, this year we are launching a meme vote celebrating CEMR’s anniversary. 

👉 Discover the game and vote for your favourite meme: 

Participants can vote by selecting their favourite meme directly on social media. 
🏆 The winning meme will be announced on Monday, 18 May. 

This initiative is part of CEMR’s ongoing effort to celebrate Europe Day in a creative and accessible way, and more surprises are already in store for future editions. 

Happy Europe Day! 🇪🇺✨ 

Meet Emil Boc (Cluj-Napoca)

Cluj Napoca - Local Heroes 2026

Meet the Local Hero: Emil Boc. From national leadership to local transformation — and a call to put cities at the heart of Europe’s future


For Emil Boc, leadership has never been confined to a single level of governance. A former Prime Minister of Romania until 2012 turned long-serving mayor of Cluj-Napoca since then, his career reflects a rare continuity between national vision and local delivery. 

Today, as Europe debates its next budget, Boc’s message is direct: without cities and regions at the table, the European project risks losing both effectiveness and legitimacy. 

From Prime Minister to Mayor: why vision comes first 

Boc’s years as Prime Minister fundamentally reshaped how he approaches local governance. 

“The first lesson,” he explains, “is that no country — and no city — can develop without a clear vision, followed by a strategy and a concrete plan.” 

Returning to Cluj-Napoca after his time in national office, he applied this logic with precision. The city identified its competitive advantage — universities, education, and innovation — and built a development model around a knowledge-based economy.

But beyond economic strategy, Boc insists leadership is about more than administration: 

“A leader is not just there to keep the lights on or clean the streets. You need a long-term vision, and the discipline to follow it.”

Turning Cluj-Napoca into a pro-European city 

Over the past two decades, Boc has overseen a profound transformation. 

Once considered one of the most Eurosceptic cities in Romania, Cluj-Napoca — a city of around 300,000 inhabitants in the northwest of the country, with a dynamic, university-driven and innovation-based economy — is now, in his words, “the most pro-European city in the country.” 

This shift did not happen overnight. It was built “day by day,” by embedding what Boc calls a European way of life: openness, tolerance, and cooperation — combined with strategic use of EU funds. 

The results are visible everywhere: infrastructure, schools, public transport, and urban regeneration. For Boc, these are not abstract policies but tangible proof of what Europe delivers. 

“If someone asks me why Europe matters,” he says, “I just go outside. The schools, the roads, the parks — they are there because of European funding.” 

At the core of this transformation is a simple idea: freedom to stay. 

“People should not be forced to leave their city or country for economic reasons.
Europe must guarantee not only freedom of movement, but also the freedom to build a life at home.”

This message resonates particularly strongly in Romania, a country that has experienced one of the largest waves of emigration within the European Union. Since the early 2000s, millions of Romanians — many of them young, educated, and highly mobile — have left to study and work abroad, seeking better economic opportunities and living conditions. While this mobility reflects one of the EU’s core freedoms, it has also created deep territorial imbalances, with cities and regions losing talent at a critical stage of their development.  

What’s at stake in the next EU budget 

As negotiations intensify over the next Multiannual Financial Framework, Boc warns that the role of cities and regions is far from secure. 

His concern is not rhetorical — it is structural. 

First, he argues that local governments must move from consultation to real decision-making power: “We want to be at the table, not on the menu.” 

A key issue is how the European Commission plans to introduce so-called “regional checks.” Without legal weight, Boc fears these could become a box-ticking exercise rather than a genuine partnership. 

His proposal is clear: a binding subsidiarity clause, ensuring that municipalities and regions are involved at every stage — from design to implementation and evaluation — and can reject national plans that ignore them. 

Second, he pushes back against proposals to merge cohesion policy funding with other priorities, particularly agriculture. 

“These are two pillars of the European Union. If they are put in the same pot, cities and regions risk losing out.”

Third, Boc insists that cohesion policy must remain universal. Limiting access only to less-developed regions would weaken Europe’s ability to address inequalities across all territories. 

“Cohesion is the glue that keeps Europe together — and that glue is needed everywhere.” 

Finally, he calls for dedicated regional chapters in national plans to ensure that local perspectives are not sidelined. 

 
From climate to defence: investing in cities is investing in Europe 

For Boc, the debate about the EU budget ultimately comes down to credibility. 

“Europe has the vision. Now it needs the resources to deliver.”

He points to climate policy as a concrete example. Cities are expected to lead the transition — including initiatives like climate-neutral urban development — but without sufficient funding, ambitions risk remaining theoretical. 

At the same time, he highlights the growing interconnection between policy areas. Investments in urban infrastructure, such as metro systems, serve multiple purposes: sustainability, mobility, and even resilience in times of crisis. 

“Look at how metro systems are used in emergencies,” he notes. “This is not just climate policy — it is also about security and preparedness.” 

 
A Europe built with its cities 

Boc’s argument is ultimately political as much as financial. 

The European Union, he says, cannot be reduced to negotiations between capitals. 

“It is not just a union of states. It is a union of municipalities, regions, and cities.” 

Excluding them from decision-making would not only weaken policy outcomes but also erode the diversity and cohesion that define Europe itself. 

As the EU looks ahead to 2034 and beyond, Boc’s message is a warning — and a roadmap: 

Without strong local governments, there is no strong Europe. 

Cluj-Napoca is member of CEMR national association Romanian Municipalities Association.


Check out our EU budget campaign and what we have produced so far:

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TERRI report – 4 May deadline 

Housing policy paper - News 2026

CEMR collects data and evidence on the evolving nature of local and regional governments’ competences and responsibilities for TERRI study 


CEMR is preparing the next edition of its flagship study on structures and competences, which examines how local and regional governments across Europe are organised and how their responsibilities change over time. The study, publication foreseen in autumn 2026, will explore recent reforms affecting municipalities and regions, and assess their impact on the effectiveness of public service delivery. 

A core focus of the new edition will be housing policy, a growing priority for CEMR members. The study will examine housing as a key competence for local and regional governments, with a particular emphasis on how they balance housing demand and supply, and how governance arrangements influence policy implementation on the ground. 

CEMR members are invited to contribute to the survey, with responses due by 4 May, to support the analysis underpinning the study. 

For more information, contact:

Country profile – #4 Belgium 

Brussels city image

Country Profile on decentralised development cooperation: the case of Belgium


The country profiles offer a short overview of national models of (decentralised) development cooperation frameworks in selected EU Member States. The aim is to provide insights into specific mechanisms and modalities of analysed national frameworks and identify enabling factors as well as challenges related to practical implementation, focusing on the role and opportunities for local and regional governments and their associations. 

Based on the study, the Belgian framework for Decentralised Development Cooperation (DDC) is characterised by:

1) Municipal associations are central to DDC in Belgium. Brulocalis, Association of Flemish Cities and Municipalities (VVSG), and the Union of Cities and Municipalities of Wallonia (UVCW) act as key intermediaries in coordinating funded programmes and serving as the primary source of support and guidance for municipalities.

2) Focus on long-term cooperation with selected partners. Sustained partnerships help to ensure the effectiveness and added value of cooperation. There is a prioritisation of the least developed countries and fragile contexts.

3) Awareness-raising of Belgian citizens about international solidarity. Belgian actors, in partnership with NGOs, actively contribute to informing citizens about development cooperation-related topics through awareness-raising and education activities at home.

This article is part of a series of 7 Country Profiles examining DDC frameworks across Europe. The fifth edition, focusing on France, will be published in July. Stay tuned!

Read the Country Profile of Belgium, available in four languages:

You can find the rest of Mindcraft’s publications here.

CEMR encourages Belgian authorities to strengthen the role of Local and Regional Governments in development policy, not only as implementers, but also as strategic partners helping shape a more resilient, inclusive and effective development agenda.

This publication is produced within the Bridging and Mapping Knowledge Gaps in Decentralised Cooperation (Mindcraft), funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and supported by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ).

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Call Simone EU budget episode

Who Decides Europe’s Future? The Battle Behind the EU’s Next Budget


Who decides Europe’s future—the Member States, the EU institutions, or the cities and regions that implement policies on the ground?

This is the question at the heart of the negotiations for the European Union’s next long-term budget (2028–2034), and the starting point of the latest Call Simone episode with Jan Olbrycht, former Member of the European Parliament and one of the most experienced figures in EU budget negotiations.

What may appear as a technical discussion about figures and funding lines is, in reality, a political struggle over power, priorities, and governance. And it comes at a moment when Europe must define what it wants to become: a more centralised political actor, or a union that remains fundamentally different from the United States—more negotiated, more decentralised, and ultimately dependent on consensus.

A budget under pressure

As Olbrycht explains, the next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) is being shaped by an unusually heavy context: war at Europe’s borders, growing global competition, the repayment of pandemic-era debt, and the prospect of enlargement.

The European Commission has proposed a significantly larger budget—potentially close to €2 trillion. But this ambition depends on new sources of revenue. Without them, the EU risks financing new priorities by cutting existing ones, turning the negotiation into a zero-sum game.

A shift in how Europe spends and governs

One of the central points raised in the discussion is that the most controversial change is not the size of the budget, but its structure.

Rather than organising spending around established policies like cohesion and agriculture, the proposal introduces broader categories and national plans that bundle different funding streams together. According to the Commission, this is meant to simplify the system and make it more flexible in times of crisis.

In practice, however, it redistributes power.

It strengthens the role of national governments while allowing the Commission to impose mandatory priorities—such as minimum spending on climate or support for less developed regions. As Fiorella Lavorgna, host of the podcast points out in the conversation, this creates a hybrid system that raises a key question: is this simplification, or a new form of centralisation?

The real fault line: who gets a say

This leads to one of the clearest political fault lines discussed in the episode: governance.

Will cities and regions be co-authors of these national plans, or merely consulted?

For organisations like CEMR—where Jan Olbrycht also served as of the vice presidents between 1995 and 2001—this is a red line. The experience of recent instruments, such as the Recovery and Resilience Facility, showed that consultation without real involvement risks weakening both effectiveness and accountability.

The European Parliament has taken a relatively strong position in favour of reinforcing the role of local and regional authorities. But within the Council positions remain divided, reflecting different national governance models.

Competitiveness vs cohesion

Another key tension highlighted in the discussion concerns the balance between competitiveness and cohesion.

The proposed competitiveness fund reflects a shift toward innovation, strategic industries, and investment attraction—an acknowledgement that Europe must strengthen its global economic position. This raises concerns about the future of cohesion policy, which has long been central to reducing regional disparities.

This is not simply a budgetary trade-off. It is a political one: a more competitive Europe that deepens internal inequalities risks undermining its own foundations.

Enlargement and the limits of unity

The conversation also touches on enlargement.

Integrating countries like Ukraine or Moldova is not only a financial challenge—it is a political one that requires unanimity among Member States. As Olbrycht stresses, enlargement ultimately depends as much on the willingness of current members as on the readiness of candidate countries.

This reinforces a central feature of the EU: its dependence on consensus.

Not a United States of Europe

When asked who one should “call” to speak to Europe in ten years’ time, Olbrycht’s answer is telling: not one leader, but several—reflecting a system where authority is shared rather than concentrated.

For him, the EU is not moving toward a single-leader model like the United States. Instead, it will maintain its own specificity: a political system built on balance between institutions and Member States, where decisions emerge from negotiation rather than hierarchy.

The next EU budget embodies this reality. It is not just a financial framework, but a test of how Europe functions: whether it can act strategically without becoming centralised, and whether it can remain cohesive without becoming fragmented.

Ultimately, what is at stake is not only how much Europe spends, but how it governs itself. And in that sense, the outcome of these negotiations will say as much about the EU’s political future as any treaty reform.

Learn more about our key asks on the EU budget 2028-2034

Download here the uncut episode transcript

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EU gender equality strategy: our reaction 

Gender Equality Strategy 2026-2030 news

From principles to practice, making the European Commission’s new Gender Equality Strategy 2026-2030 deliver 


The European Commission’s new Gender Equality Strategy 2026–2030 starts from an important premise: gender equality is not a side issue, but a principle that must shape public life as a whole. Built on the Roadmap for Women’s Rights and its Declaration of principles for a gender-equal society, it sets out a broad vision across education, health, work, leadership and online life, while also confronting cyberviolence, anti-gender narratives and backlash against hard-won rights.  

This approach closely reflects CEMR’s own long-standing work. For almost 20 years, the European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life has advanced the same principle: equality must be anchored in shared commitments, but progress only comes through action at every tier of government. That is why the real test of the new EU Strategy, as with the Charter itself, will be implemented. 

That matters because women and girls are still too often pushed out of public life. CEMR’s Women in Politics: Local and European Trends shows that around 32% of women in politics have experienced violence, with cyberviolence rising sharply. The fact that the Commission’s Strategy itself draws on the CEMR study underlines the importance of local and regional experience in shaping the wider European agenda. The study also highlights wider structural barriers: women are still less likely to be drawn into political life and, once elected, are too often denied the most influential responsibilities. Politics cannot be meaningful if it excludes half the population.  

Governments must therefore ensure that the safety of women and girls is never pushed to the margins when other priorities arise. Girls must feel that their voice will be heard and that it will lead to action. Only then will they believe there is a place for them in politics. CEMR’s more recent study, Local Truth, Shared Trust, reinforces this message by showing how closely trust in institutions is linked to people’s sense of safety and inclusion, especially for those considering entering public life. Women must have not only a voice in politics, but a safe space in which to use it. 

While the Strategy acknowledges elements of CEMR’s work, this recognition represents a welcome first step rather than the destination. To ensure the Strategy’s ambitions translate into meaningful outcomes, there is value in more systematically integrating the depth of local and regional evidence that CEMR and its members have built over two decades. After all, gender equality is shaped on the ground: in towns, cities and regions where policies take effect and where women experience the impact of public action on their lives. Taking local and regional realities into account throughout the EU policy cycle, from data collection to programme design, delivery and monitoring, would help the Strategy reflect women’s lived experiences and enable more effective, inclusive implementation across Europe. 

As CEMR marks the 20th year of its Charter, it looks forward to working with the European Commission and partners across Europe to turn principles into lasting change. That same message was recently carried to United Nations at this year’s 70th Conference on the Status of Women, where Flo Clucas, CEMR’s spokesperson on gender equality brought the local perspective into a wider discussion among women and men in public office: local political life must be genuinely open to both women and men, and women cannot participate fully if safety is not guaranteed. The work is far from finished. But the direction is clear: women and girls must be able to participate fully and safely in public life, without fear of violence or intimidation, in every town, city, region and country. 

For more information, please contact:  

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* Banner photo: EC – Audiovisual Service, Copyright European Union, 2026 – source: https://audiovisual.ec.europa.eu/en/media/photo/P-069195

Bonn’s path toward gender equality

Bonn - European Charter for Equality signatory

Inside Bonn’s 40-year effort to advance gender equality


The city of Bonn (Germany) signed the European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life nineteen years ago. Yet Bonn’s story promoting gender equality does not begin there. It stretches back more than forty years, to a time when gender equality was little more than an ambition, and when the structures needed to drive real change barely existed. 

In 1984, Bonn established a dedicated Office for Equal Opportunities, a bold move for its time, signalling that equality was not an abstract value but a governance priority. By 1991, the city had introduced its first bylaws on equal opportunities. A decade later, in 2001, Bonn adopted its first comprehensive Equal Opportunities Plan, laying the foundations for long‑term, structural change in work, care, safety and representation. 

Bonn’s commitment has remained unwavering. Today, the city hall maintains a near-equal gender balance in senior management, while women in middle management are empowered to assume leadership responsibilities through structured mentoring programmes. 

Deputy Mayor of Bonn, Ursula Sautter, explains that the local administration “advocates and promotes equal care solutions” due to the “still unequal division of work and care”.  

Sautter also highlights that the city actively combats all forms of violence and stands firmly with victims. This effort is reinforced by the new German Violence Assistance Act of 2025, which strengthens support frameworks across the country. 

Bonn has been a signatory of CEMR’s European Charter for Equality since 2007, demonstrating its commitment to turning principles into action. As Sautter mentions, “the European Charter for Equality is a beacon of empowerment for us, uniting us with a multitude of diverse cities in this important endeavour”. 

Ursula Sautter, Deputy Mayor of Bonn

20 years of the European Charter for Equality 

This year, we mark the 20th anniversary of the European Charter for Equality, a milestone that invites reflection, celebration and renewed ambition. 

Since its creation, the Charter has become one of Europe’s strongest frameworks for driving equality at the local and regional levels. Today, more than 2,053 signatories from 36 countries are part of this growing movement of cities, towns, and regions committed to turning equality principles into reality. 

Developed by CEMR together with its national associations and project partners, the Charter brings together diverse European visions of equality. Hundreds of local and regional representatives contributed to shaping a shared framework that considers the diverse competences and contexts across Europe. Signing the Charter is a public and formal commitment, a pledge to advance gender equality through policies, programmes, and concrete actions implemented in cooperation with local partners and civil society. 

While the Charter is not legally binding, it is intentionally ambitious. CEMR recognises that achieving these objectives requires time, dialogue, and structural change. That is why signatories are encouraged to adopt a progressive approach, identifying priority areas for action while steadily expanding their efforts. 

To support signatories, CEMR established the European Observatory on the Charter, dedicated to helping local and regional authorities develop and implement strong equality policies. 

The Observatory’s mission is threefold: 

  • Support the development of Local Action Plans for gender equality 
  • Monitor implementation and progress on the ground 
  • Evaluate impact and share knowledge across Europe 

By connecting municipalities, facilitating exchanges, and making progress visible, the Observatory ensures that the Charter remains a living, evolving tool, anchored in real practice. 

— 

Discover the story of Aubagne (France), which signed the European Charter for Equality in November 2025. 

Bonn is a member of CEMR’s association Deutscher Städtetag. 

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