Across Europe, local elected representatives are facing growing pressure, harassment and disinformation at a time when communities need trusted leadership more than ever. In a new article published in Burgemeester (pages 158, 159 and 160), the magazine of the Dutch Association of Mayors, dedicated to local governance, democratic resilience and public leadership. In the article, CEMR presents the work of the Observatory for the Defence of Local Democracy at the Local Level (ODELL), a European initiative created to monitor threats against local democracy, support mayors and councillors, and strengthen public trust through clearer communication, evidence-based advocacy and practical tools for municipalities.
Webinar Defending Local Democracy Together
On 21 May 2026, from 14h to 15h15, the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) and partners of the Observatory for the Defence of Local Democracy in Europe will host an online webinar exploring the growing threats faced by local and regional elected representatives across Europe.
The discussion will bring together local leaders, experts and European partners to explore the growing challenges facing democracy at the local level, from harassment and intimidation to disinformation and declining public trust, while sharing practical solutions and experiences from across Europe.
On 21 May 2026, from 14h to 15h15, the Council of European Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) and partners of the Observatory for the Defence of Local Democracy in Europe will host an online webinar exploring the growing threats faced by local and regional elected representatives across Europe.
Launched in December 2025 by CEMR, the Municipality of Bilbao and the Association of Basque Municipalities (EUDEL), in partnership with Bocconi University and with the support of the Basque Government, the Observatory aims to monitor, analyse and respond to the increasing pressures affecting local democracy across Europe.
The webinar will present the preliminary findings of the Observatory’s upcoming European report examining patterns of intimidation, harassment, violence and attacks targeting local and regional politicians. The discussion comes at a time when democratic institutions across Europe are facing growing polarisation, disinformation, and declining trust in public authorities.
Local elected representatives are often on the frontline of these challenges. As the level of government closest to citizens, municipalities and regions play a crucial role in safeguarding democratic participation, social cohesion and public trust.
“Threats to local politics affect integrity, how we speak, and can silence people. It can make elected representatives afraid — or push them to leave public life,” said Eider Inuntziaga, city councillor of Bilbao and CEMR spokesperson on local democracy.
The event will bring together local elected representatives, researchers, international organisations and European institutions to discuss how to strengthen democratic resilience at the local level and better protect those serving in public office.
Speakers include Filiz Ceritoğlu Sengel, who will open the webinar, as well as academics and experts working on democratic governance and political violence. Representatives from the European Commission and the Council of Europe Congress will also contribute to the discussion.
The webinar will also examine threats occurring during electoral processes and explore possible policy responses to violence and intimidation targeting local elected officials.
Europe Day: CEMR celebrates 75 years with a Europe-wide meme vote
Today we celebrate Europe’s Day alongside CEMR’s anniversary, 75 years of representing and supporting local and regional governments across Europe.
Celebrated every year on 9 May, Europe Day commemorates the Schuman Declaration, which laid the foundations for peace, cooperation and shared values in Europe. For 75 years, CEMR has accompanied towns, cities and regions throughout Europe’s evolution, strengthening local democracy and cohesion at the heart of the European project.
To mark this double celebration, CEMR is once again inviting citizens to take part in a playful and interactive Europe Day initiative.
Following last year’s interactive map game highlighting EU-funded projects, this year we are launching a meme vote celebrating CEMR’s anniversary.
👉 Discover the game and vote for your favourite meme:
Participants can vote by selecting their favourite meme directly on social media. 🏆 The winning meme will be announced on Monday, 18 May.
This initiative is part of CEMR’s ongoing effort to celebrate Europe Day in a creative and accessible way, and more surprises are already in store for future editions.
Meet the Local Hero: Emil Boc. From national leadership to local transformation — and a call to put cities at the heart of Europe’s future
For Emil Boc, leadership has never been confined to a single level of governance. A former Prime Minister of Romania until 2012 turned long-serving mayor of Cluj-Napoca since then, his career reflects a rare continuity between national vision and local delivery.
Today, as Europe debates its next budget, Boc’s message is direct: without cities and regions at the table, the European project risks losing both effectiveness and legitimacy.
From Prime Minister to Mayor: why vision comes first
Boc’s years as Prime Minister fundamentally reshaped how he approaches local governance.
“The first lesson,” he explains, “is that no country — and no city — can develop without a clear vision, followed by a strategy and a concrete plan.”
Returning to Cluj-Napoca after his time in national office, he applied this logic with precision. The city identified its competitive advantage — universities, education, and innovation — and built a development model around a knowledge-based economy.
But beyond economic strategy, Boc insists leadership is about more than administration:
“A leader is not just there to keep the lights on or clean the streets. You need a long-term vision, and the discipline to follow it.”
Turning Cluj-Napoca into a pro-European city
Over the past two decades, Boc has overseen a profound transformation.
Once considered one of the most Eurosceptic cities in Romania, Cluj-Napoca — a city of around 300,000 inhabitants in the northwest of the country, with a dynamic, university-driven and innovation-based economy — is now, in his words, “the most pro-European city in the country.”
This shift did not happen overnight. It was built “day by day,” by embedding what Boc calls a European way of life: openness, tolerance, and cooperation — combined with strategic use of EU funds.
The results are visible everywhere: infrastructure, schools, public transport, and urban regeneration. For Boc, these are not abstract policies but tangible proof of what Europe delivers.
“If someone asks me why Europe matters,” he says, “I just go outside. The schools, the roads, the parks — they are there because of European funding.”
At the core of this transformation is a simple idea: freedom to stay.
“People should not be forced to leave their city or country for economic reasons. Europe must guarantee not only freedom of movement, but also the freedom to build a life at home.”
This message resonates particularly strongly in Romania, a country that has experienced one of the largest waves of emigration within the European Union. Since the early 2000s, millions of Romanians — many of them young, educated, and highly mobile — have left to study and work abroad, seeking better economic opportunities and living conditions. While this mobility reflects one of the EU’s core freedoms, it has also created deep territorial imbalances, with cities and regions losing talent at a critical stage of their development.
What’s at stake in the next EU budget
As negotiations intensify over the next Multiannual Financial Framework, Boc warns that the role of cities and regions is far from secure.
His concern is not rhetorical — it is structural.
First, he argues that local governments must move from consultation to real decision-making power: “We want to be at the table, not on the menu.”
A key issue is how the European Commission plans to introduce so-called “regional checks.” Without legal weight, Boc fears these could become a box-ticking exercise rather than a genuine partnership.
His proposal is clear: a binding subsidiarity clause, ensuring that municipalities and regions are involved at every stage — from design to implementation and evaluation — and can reject national plans that ignore them.
Second, he pushes back against proposals to merge cohesion policy funding with other priorities, particularly agriculture.
“These are two pillars of the European Union. If they are put in the same pot, cities and regions risk losing out.”
Third, Boc insists that cohesion policy must remain universal. Limiting access only to less-developed regions would weaken Europe’s ability to address inequalities across all territories.
“Cohesion is the glue that keeps Europe together — and that glue is needed everywhere.”
Finally, he calls for dedicated regional chapters in national plans to ensure that local perspectives are not sidelined.
From climate to defence: investing in cities is investing in Europe
For Boc, the debate about the EU budget ultimately comes down to credibility.
“Europe has the vision. Now it needs the resources to deliver.”
He points to climate policy as a concrete example. Cities are expected to lead the transition — including initiatives like climate-neutral urban development — but without sufficient funding, ambitions risk remaining theoretical.
At the same time, he highlights the growing interconnection between policy areas. Investments in urban infrastructure, such as metro systems, serve multiple purposes: sustainability, mobility, and even resilience in times of crisis.
“Look at how metro systems are used in emergencies,” he notes. “This is not just climate policy — it is also about security and preparedness.”
A Europe built with its cities
Boc’s argument is ultimately political as much as financial.
The European Union, he says, cannot be reduced to negotiations between capitals.
“It is not just a union of states. It is a union of municipalities, regions, and cities.”
Excluding them from decision-making would not only weaken policy outcomes but also erode the diversity and cohesion that define Europe itself.
As the EU looks ahead to 2034 and beyond, Boc’s message is a warning — and a roadmap:
Without strong local governments, there is no strong Europe.
CEMR collects data and evidence on the evolving nature of local and regional governments’ competences and responsibilities for TERRI study
CEMR is preparing the next edition of its flagship study on structures and competences, which examines how local and regional governments across Europe are organised and how their responsibilities change over time. The study, publication foreseen in autumn 2026, will explore recent reforms affecting municipalities and regions, and assess their impact on the effectiveness of public service delivery.
A core focus of the new edition will be housing policy, a growing priority for CEMR members. The study will examine housing as a key competence for local and regional governments, with a particular emphasis on how they balance housing demand and supply, and how governance arrangements influence policy implementation on the ground.
CEMR members are invited to contribute to the survey, with responses due by 4 May, to support the analysis underpinning the study.
The country profiles offer a short overview of national models of (decentralised) development cooperation frameworks in selected EU Member States. The aim is to provide insights into specific mechanisms and modalities of analysed national frameworks and identify enabling factors as well as challenges related to practical implementation, focusing on the role and opportunities for local and regional governments and their associations.
Based on the study, the Belgian framework for Decentralised Development Cooperation (DDC) is characterised by:
1) Municipal associations are central to DDC in Belgium. Brulocalis, Association of Flemish Cities and Municipalities (VVSG), and the Union of Cities and Municipalities of Wallonia (UVCW) act as key intermediaries in coordinating funded programmes and serving as the primary source of support and guidance for municipalities.
2) Focus on long-term cooperation with selected partners. Sustained partnerships help to ensure the effectiveness and added value of cooperation. There is a prioritisation of the least developed countries and fragile contexts.
3) Awareness-raising of Belgian citizens about international solidarity. Belgian actors, in partnership with NGOs, actively contribute to informing citizens about development cooperation-related topics through awareness-raising and education activities at home.
This article is part of a series of 7 Country Profiles examining DDC frameworks across Europe. The fifth edition, focusing on France, will be published in July. Stay tuned!
Read the Country Profile of Belgium, available in four languages:
You can find the rest of Mindcraft’s publications here.
CEMR encourages Belgian authorities to strengthen the role of Local and Regional Governments in development policy, not only as implementers, but also as strategic partners helping shape a more resilient, inclusive and effective development agenda.
This publication is produced within the Bridging and Mapping Knowledge Gaps in Decentralised Cooperation (Mindcraft), funded by the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) and supported by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ).
What may appear as a technical discussion about figures and funding lines is, in reality, a political struggle over power, priorities, and governance. And it comes at a moment when Europe must define what it wants to become: a more centralised political actor, or a union that remains fundamentally different from the United States—more negotiated, more decentralised, and ultimately dependent on consensus.
A budget under pressure
As Olbrycht explains, the next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) is being shaped by an unusually heavy context: war at Europe’s borders, growing global competition, the repayment of pandemic-era debt, and the prospect of enlargement.
The European Commission has proposed a significantly larger budget—potentially close to €2 trillion. But this ambition depends on new sources of revenue. Without them, the EU risks financing new priorities by cutting existing ones, turning the negotiation into a zero-sum game.
A shift in how Europe spends and governs
One of the central points raised in the discussion is that the most controversial change is not the size of the budget, but its structure.
Rather than organising spending around established policies like cohesion and agriculture, the proposal introduces broader categories and national plans that bundle different funding streams together. According to the Commission, this is meant to simplify the system and make it more flexible in times of crisis.
In practice, however, it redistributes power.
It strengthens the role of national governments while allowing the Commission to impose mandatory priorities—such as minimum spending on climate or support for less developed regions. As Fiorella Lavorgna, host of the podcast points out in the conversation, this creates a hybrid system that raises a key question: is this simplification, or a new form of centralisation?
The real fault line: who gets a say
This leads to one of the clearest political fault lines discussed in the episode: governance.
Will cities and regions be co-authors of these national plans, or merely consulted?
For organisations like CEMR—where Jan Olbrycht also served as of the vice presidents between 1995 and 2001—this is a red line. The experience of recent instruments, such as the Recovery and Resilience Facility, showed that consultation without real involvement risks weakening both effectiveness and accountability.
The European Parliament has taken a relatively strong position in favour of reinforcing the role of local and regional authorities. But within the Council positions remain divided, reflecting different national governance models.
Competitiveness vs cohesion
Another key tension highlighted in the discussion concerns the balance between competitiveness and cohesion.
The proposed competitiveness fund reflects a shift toward innovation, strategic industries, and investment attraction—an acknowledgement that Europe must strengthen its global economic position. This raises concerns about the future of cohesion policy, which has long been central to reducing regional disparities.
This is not simply a budgetary trade-off. It is a political one: a more competitive Europe that deepens internal inequalities risks undermining its own foundations.
Enlargement and the limits of unity
The conversation also touches on enlargement.
Integrating countries like Ukraine or Moldova is not only a financial challenge—it is a political one that requires unanimity among Member States. As Olbrycht stresses, enlargement ultimately depends as much on the willingness of current members as on the readiness of candidate countries.
This reinforces a central feature of the EU: its dependence on consensus.
Not a United States of Europe
When asked who one should “call” to speak to Europe in ten years’ time, Olbrycht’s answer is telling: not one leader, but several—reflecting a system where authority is shared rather than concentrated.
For him, the EU is not moving toward a single-leader model like the United States. Instead, it will maintain its own specificity: a political system built on balance between institutions and Member States, where decisions emerge from negotiation rather than hierarchy.
The next EU budget embodies this reality. It is not just a financial framework, but a test of how Europe functions: whether it can act strategically without becoming centralised, and whether it can remain cohesive without becoming fragmented.
Ultimately, what is at stake is not only how much Europe spends, but how it governs itself. And in that sense, the outcome of these negotiations will say as much about the EU’s political future as any treaty reform.
From principles to practice, making the European Commission’s new Gender Equality Strategy 2026-2030 deliver
The European Commission’s new Gender Equality Strategy 2026–2030 starts from an important premise: gender equality is not a side issue, but a principle that must shape public life as a whole. Built on the Roadmap for Women’s Rights and its Declaration of principles for a gender-equal society, it sets out a broad vision across education, health, work, leadership and online life, while also confronting cyberviolence, anti-gender narratives and backlash against hard-won rights.
This approach closely reflects CEMR’s own long-standing work. For almost 20 years, the European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life has advanced the same principle: equality must be anchored in shared commitments, but progress only comes through action at every tier of government. That is why the real test of the new EU Strategy, as with the Charter itself, will be implemented.
That matters because women and girls are still too often pushed out of public life. CEMR’s Women in Politics: Local and European Trends shows that around 32% of women in politics have experienced violence, with cyberviolence rising sharply. The fact that the Commission’s Strategy itself draws on the CEMR study underlines the importance of local and regional experience in shaping the wider European agenda. The study also highlights wider structural barriers: women are still less likely to be drawn into political life and, once elected, are too often denied the most influential responsibilities. Politics cannot be meaningful if it excludes half the population.
Governments must therefore ensure that the safety of women and girls is never pushed to the margins when other priorities arise. Girls must feel that their voice will be heard and that it will lead to action. Only then will they believe there is a place for them in politics. CEMR’s more recent study, Local Truth, Shared Trust, reinforces this message by showing how closely trust in institutions is linked to people’s sense of safety and inclusion, especially for those considering entering public life. Women must have not only a voice in politics, but a safe space in which to use it.
While the Strategy acknowledges elements of CEMR’s work, this recognition represents a welcome first step rather than the destination. To ensure the Strategy’s ambitions translate into meaningful outcomes, there is value in more systematically integrating the depth of local and regional evidence that CEMR and its members have built over two decades. After all, gender equality is shaped on the ground: in towns, cities and regions where policies take effect and where women experience the impact of public action on their lives. Taking local and regional realities into account throughout the EU policy cycle, from data collection to programme design, delivery and monitoring, would help the Strategy reflect women’s lived experiences and enable more effective, inclusive implementation across Europe.
As CEMR marks the 20th year of its Charter, it looks forward to working with the European Commission and partners across Europe to turn principles into lasting change. That same message was recently carried to United Nations at this year’s 70th Conference on the Status of Women, where Flo Clucas, CEMR’s spokesperson on gender equality brought the local perspective into a wider discussion among women and men in public office: local political life must be genuinely open to both women and men, and women cannot participate fully if safety is not guaranteed. The work is far from finished. But the direction is clear: women and girls must be able to participate fully and safely in public life, without fear of violence or intimidation, in every town, city, region and country.
Inside Bonn’s 40-year effort to advance gender equality
The city of Bonn (Germany) signed the European Charter for Equality of Women and Men in Local Life nineteen years ago. Yet Bonn’s story promoting gender equality does not begin there. It stretches back more than forty years, to a time when gender equality was little more than an ambition, and when the structures needed to drive real change barely existed.
In 1984, Bonn established a dedicated Office for Equal Opportunities, a bold move for its time, signalling that equality was not an abstract value but a governance priority. By 1991, the city had introduced its first bylaws on equal opportunities. A decade later, in 2001, Bonn adopted its first comprehensive Equal Opportunities Plan, laying the foundations for long‑term, structural change in work, care, safety and representation.
Bonn’s commitment has remained unwavering. Today, the city hall maintains a near-equal gender balance in senior management, while women in middle management are empowered to assume leadership responsibilities through structured mentoring programmes.
Deputy Mayor of Bonn, Ursula Sautter, explains that the local administration “advocates and promotes equal care solutions” due to the “still unequal division of work and care”.
Sautter also highlights that the city actively combats all forms of violence and stands firmly with victims. This effort is reinforced by the new German Violence Assistance Act of 2025, which strengthens support frameworks across the country.
Bonn has been a signatory of CEMR’s European Charter for Equality since 2007, demonstrating its commitment to turning principles into action. As Sautter mentions, “the European Charter for Equality is a beacon of empowerment for us, uniting us with a multitude of diverse cities in this important endeavour”.
Ursula Sautter, Deputy Mayor of Bonn
20 years of the European Charter for Equality
This year, we mark the 20th anniversary of the European Charter for Equality,a milestone that invites reflection, celebration and renewed ambition.
Since its creation, the Charter has become one of Europe’s strongest frameworks for driving equality at the local and regional levels. Today, more than 2,053 signatories from 36 countries are part of this growing movement of cities, towns, and regions committed to turning equality principles into reality.
Developed by CEMR together with its national associations and project partners, the Charter brings together diverse European visions of equality. Hundreds of local and regional representatives contributed to shaping a shared framework that considers the diverse competences and contexts across Europe. Signing the Charter is a public and formal commitment, a pledge to advance gender equality through policies, programmes, and concrete actions implemented in cooperation with local partners and civil society.
While the Charter is not legally binding, it is intentionally ambitious. CEMR recognises that achieving these objectives requires time, dialogue, and structural change. That is why signatories are encouraged to adopt a progressive approach, identifying priority areas for action while steadily expanding their efforts.
To support signatories, CEMR established the European Observatory on the Charter, dedicated to helping local and regional authorities develop and implement strong equality policies.
The Observatory’s mission is threefold:
Support the development of Local Action Plans for gender equality
Monitor implementation and progress on the ground
Evaluate impact and share knowledge across Europe
By connecting municipalities, facilitating exchanges, and making progress visible, the Observatory ensures that the Charter remains a living, evolving tool, anchored in real practice.
—
Discover the story of Aubagne (France), which signed the European Charter for Equality in November 2025.
Bonn is a member of CEMR’s association Deutscher Städtetag.
Europe’s housing crisis has reached unprecedented levels, with direct consequences for citizens living in towns, cities and regions across the continent. The European Commission’s EU Affordable Housing Plan is a meaningful step forward, but it will only deliver if the full potential of local and regional governments is unlocked.
CEMR’s new position paper, “A local plan for housing”, sets out proposals to the EU Affordable Housing Plan, arguing that Europe’s ambitions will only translate into real results if towns, cities and regions are fully empowered to act.
To make this happen, CEMR identifies four priorities that must be unlocked so local and regional governments can deliver on the ground:
1. Mobilise investment where it matters most
Inadequate and unpredictable funding is one of the main barriers to expanding affordable and sustainable housing for towns, cities, and regions. Local and regional governments need long‑term investment frameworks. CEMR calls for:
Simpler and wider access to EU and national funding, including cohesion policy and EU budget 2028-2034 instruments, so municipalities of all sizes can plan and deliver.
Reforms to fiscal rules and modernisation of State aid, treating affordable and energy‑efficient housing as long‑term investment rather than ordinary expenditure.
Support to strengthen construction capacity and innovation, from skills to circular, climate‑resilient building and renovation.
2. Enable faster and more coherent planning to accelerate delivery
Fragmented, complex procedures delay urgently needed homes across Member States. CEMR urges EU and national authorities to:
Streamline planning and environmental assessments, reducing duplication while upholding strong sustainability standards.
Enable place‑based approaches, giving towns, cities and regions the flexibility to access land, regenerate brownfields and plan integrated, inclusive neighbourhoods.
Advance the single market for construction, harmonising technical standards to reduce delays, boost innovation and lower costs.
3. Improve efficiency through digital permitting
Digital permitting can bring faster renovation and new construction, but many local and regional governments lack resources to implement it. CEMR calls for:
Dedicated funding, training and technical assistance are needed for interoperable local–national–EU permitting systems.
Clearer guidance for applicants and developers will improve submission quality.
4. Activate Europe’s full potential through a real multilevel partnership
The EU Affordable Housing Plan will only succeed through genuine cooperation across levels of government. CEMR asks for:
Structured multilevel governance, with local and regional governments fully involved in design, implementation and monitoring.
Stronger municipal autonomy and legal clarity, ensuring responsibilities are matched with financing.
Adequated resources for the European Housing Alliance with structured participation of local and regional governments, which also serves to cooperate beyond the EU to address shared housing challenges.
Europe’s housing challenge demands swift and coordinated action. The EU Affordable Housing Plan sets an important framework, but its success will depend on how well it empowers the governments closest to citizens. By unlocking investment, planning flexibility, digital efficiency and genuine multilevel governance, Europe can move from ambition to delivery.
CEMR’s “Local Plan for Housing” offers a clear pathway: start locally, invest wisely and collaborate across levels of government. Only by working through cities, towns and regions can Europe ensure that affordable, sustainable and inclusive homes become a reality for all.
